You have the right website.

You have the right website. There aren't any laptop gnomes in the house
who snuck in under cover of darkness and switched all your bookmarks
around.
This is the new Cake Eater Chronicles. Everything's fine. Do not adjust
your set.
For the rest of you, well, I hope you like it. I do. I find it much
easier on the eyes. A few things, though.
1. Comments policy can be found here.

Ignore it at your peril.

(Side note, I'm SO digging this permalink business. Woohoo!)

2. While we're on the subject of comments, it seems Blogger wants you to log in if you leave one. Which we all know is so
conducive to cooperation. (I wouldn't log in to leave a comment---are
you kidding? Way too much work.) But it does give you the handy-dandy
option of posting anonymously! (Note to the Blogger People: WOW! Way to
invite the trolls in, kids!) If you choose the option to post
anonymously to save yourself the time and hassle of logging in, that's
fine with me...AS LONG AS YOU LEAVE A HANDLE IN THE TEXT SECTION.
That's all I ask. I'm not asking for an email address or a weblink.
Just leave a name to go with the opinion. That's not a whole hell of a
lot in the scheme of things, so please do it. But
the minute someone flames this site anonymously, that's the minute the
comments section goes bye-bye. I have NO way of managing the comments
section without being ham handed about it. Blogger simply just does not
give you this option. I cannot ban anyone, I can't delete posts. I have
two options: I can either turn off the comments on a post per post
basis, or I can yank them altogether. And I have to say, I lean toward
yanking them altogether rather than having to patrol for trolls.
I am sorry about this. I've been reading blogs for a good long while
now and I've seen too many bloggers struggle with their comments
sections to not take the hard line right out of the gate. You've got
the benefit of my doubt---for now.

End lecture.

Enjoy the changes and again---serious kudos to the husband for saving my bacon.

UPDATE It seems, as usual, I didn't explore enough before making
absolutist statements. It turns out that I can delete comments. Woohoo.
Just call me a troll cop!

Posted by: Kathy at 11:52 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 412 words, total size 2 kb.

You have the right website.

You have the right website. There aren't any laptop gnomes in the house
who snuck in under cover of darkness and switched all your bookmarks
around.
This is the new Cake Eater Chronicles. Everything's fine. Do not adjust
your set.
For the rest of you, well, I hope you like it. I do. I find it much
easier on the eyes. A few things, though.
1. Comments policy can be found here.

Ignore it at your peril.

(Side note, I'm SO digging this permalink business. Woohoo!)

2. While we're on the subject of comments, it seems Blogger wants you to log in if you leave one. Which we all know is so
conducive to cooperation. (I wouldn't log in to leave a comment---are
you kidding? Way too much work.) But it does give you the handy-dandy
option of posting anonymously! (Note to the Blogger People: WOW! Way to
invite the trolls in, kids!) If you choose the option to post
anonymously to save yourself the time and hassle of logging in, that's
fine with me...AS LONG AS YOU LEAVE A HANDLE IN THE TEXT SECTION.
That's all I ask. I'm not asking for an email address or a weblink.
Just leave a name to go with the opinion. That's not a whole hell of a
lot in the scheme of things, so please do it. But
the minute someone flames this site anonymously, that's the minute the
comments section goes bye-bye. I have NO way of managing the comments
section without being ham handed about it. Blogger simply just does not
give you this option. I cannot ban anyone, I can't delete posts. I have
two options: I can either turn off the comments on a post per post
basis, or I can yank them altogether. And I have to say, I lean toward
yanking them altogether rather than having to patrol for trolls.
I am sorry about this. I've been reading blogs for a good long while
now and I've seen too many bloggers struggle with their comments
sections to not take the hard line right out of the gate. You've got
the benefit of my doubt---for now.

End lecture.

Enjoy the changes and again---serious kudos to the husband for saving my bacon.

UPDATE It seems, as usual, I didn't explore enough before making
absolutist statements. It turns out that I can delete comments. Woohoo.
Just call me a troll cop!

Posted by: Kathy at 11:52 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 412 words, total size 2 kb.

Antecedents of RealismLike utopianism in

Antecedents of RealismLike utopianism in international relations
theory, realism has its intellectual roots in older political
philosophy of the West and in the writings of non-Western ancient
authors such as Mencius and the Legalists in China and Kautilya in
India, as well as Thucydides wrote: “What made war inevitable was the
growth of Athenian power and the fear which this caused in Sparta.”
His conception of the importance of power, together with the propensity
of states to form competing alliances, places Thucydides well within
the realist school. Just as Thucydides had developed an understanding
of state behavior from his observation of relations between Athens and
Sparta, Machiavelli analyzed interstate relations in the Italian system
of the sixteenth century. Machiavelli is clearly linked to realist
theory by his emphasis on the ruler̢۪s need to adopt moral standards
different from those of the individual in order to ensure the state̢۪s
survival, his concern with power, his assumption that politics is
characterized by a clash of interests, and his pessimistic view of
human nature.
Thomas Hobbes, like Machiavelli, viewed power as crucial in human
behavior: Man has a “perpetual and restless desire of power after
power that ceaseth only in death.” Hobbes believed that “covenants,
without the sword, are but words and of no strength to secure a man at
all.” Without a strong sovereign, chaos and violence follow: “If
there be no power erected, or not great enough for own security; man
will and may lawfully rely on his own strength and art for caution
against all other men.”
Like other modern realists, Hobbes concerned himself with the
underlying forces of politics and with the nature of power in political
relationships. Although Hobbes believed that a strong sovereign was
mandatory for maintaining order within the political system, he saw
little prospect for fundamentally changing human behavior or the
environment. In his emphasis on strong political institutions for
managing power and preventing conflict, Hobbes paradoxically was closer
to proponents of world government or, to be more precise, world empire
to realists who stress a balance of power among major political groups.
Hobbes regarded the latter condition as analogous to an anarchical
state of nature, but he doubted the possibility of establishing a world
empire. Hegel, more than any other political philosopher, elevated the
position of the state. Although realist writers are usually by no means
Hegelian, Hegel̢۪s belief that the state̢۪s highest duty lies in its
own preservation is found in realist theory. Hegel reasoned that
“since states are related to one another as autonomous entities and
so as political wills on which the validity of treaties depends, and
since the particular will of the whole is in content a will for its own
welfare it follows that welfare is the highest aim governing the
relation of one state to another.” Moreover, Hegel held that the
state has an “individual totality” that develops according to its
own laws. The state has objective reality; that is, it exists apart
from its citizens. Hegel held that the state has moral standards
different from and superior to the individual---a theme that is found
in many realist writings. Among the antecedents of realist theory is
the work of Max Weber, whose writings dealt extensively not only with
the nature of politics and the state, but also with power as central to
politics. Although the richness of Weber̢۪s political thought cannot
be encompassed in a short analysis, suffice it to suggest that, with
respect to realist theory, may of the formulations contained in his
work shaped subsequent generations of writing and scholarship. For
Weber as for later realists, the principal characteristic of politics
is the struggle for power. The power element of political life is
especially evident at the international level because “every
political structure naturally prefers to have weak rather than strong
neighbors. Furthermore, as every big political community is a potential
aspirant to prestige, it is also a potential threat to all of its
neighbors; hence, the big political community, simply because it is big
and strong, is latently and constantly endangered.” Among the
dimensions of politics as a struggle for power, moreover, is that of
economics. In Weber̢۪s thought, economic policy stands in a
subordinate relationship to politics inasmuch as the “power political
interests of nations” encompass an economic struggle for existence.
Among the concerns of realists with which Weber before them was
preoccupied is the ethical problem of intention versus consequences, or
what is also termed the absolute ethic of conviction and the ethic of
responsibility. To adhere to an absolute ethic is to take actions in
keeping with that ethic without regard for their consequences. However,
according to Weber, leaders in an imperfect world confront the need to
behave by a political ethic in which the achievement of “good” may
make the necessary the utilization of less than morally acceptable
means. For Weber the ethic of conviction cannot be separated from an
understanding of the consequences of such action, which in turn gives
concrete meaning to an ethic of responsibility. In contemporary realist
thought the meaning of the ethic of responsibility comes forth in the
notion that each political action must be judged on specific merits
rather than in accordance with some abstract, universal standard. {â€Â¦}
- Contending Theories of International Relations. James Dougherty and Robert Pfaltzgraff, Jr.

Posted by: Kathy at 11:45 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 895 words, total size 6 kb.

Antecedents of RealismLike utopianism in

Antecedents of RealismLike utopianism in international relations
theory, realism has its intellectual roots in older political
philosophy of the West and in the writings of non-Western ancient
authors such as Mencius and the Legalists in China and Kautilya in
India, as well as Thucydides wrote: “What made war inevitable was the
growth of Athenian power and the fear which this caused in Sparta.”
His conception of the importance of power, together with the propensity
of states to form competing alliances, places Thucydides well within
the realist school. Just as Thucydides had developed an understanding
of state behavior from his observation of relations between Athens and
Sparta, Machiavelli analyzed interstate relations in the Italian system
of the sixteenth century. Machiavelli is clearly linked to realist
theory by his emphasis on the ruler̢۪s need to adopt moral standards
different from those of the individual in order to ensure the state̢۪s
survival, his concern with power, his assumption that politics is
characterized by a clash of interests, and his pessimistic view of
human nature.
Thomas Hobbes, like Machiavelli, viewed power as crucial in human
behavior: Man has a “perpetual and restless desire of power after
power that ceaseth only in death.” Hobbes believed that “covenants,
without the sword, are but words and of no strength to secure a man at
all.” Without a strong sovereign, chaos and violence follow: “If
there be no power erected, or not great enough for own security; man
will and may lawfully rely on his own strength and art for caution
against all other men.”
Like other modern realists, Hobbes concerned himself with the
underlying forces of politics and with the nature of power in political
relationships. Although Hobbes believed that a strong sovereign was
mandatory for maintaining order within the political system, he saw
little prospect for fundamentally changing human behavior or the
environment. In his emphasis on strong political institutions for
managing power and preventing conflict, Hobbes paradoxically was closer
to proponents of world government or, to be more precise, world empire
to realists who stress a balance of power among major political groups.
Hobbes regarded the latter condition as analogous to an anarchical
state of nature, but he doubted the possibility of establishing a world
empire. Hegel, more than any other political philosopher, elevated the
position of the state. Although realist writers are usually by no means
Hegelian, Hegel̢۪s belief that the state̢۪s highest duty lies in its
own preservation is found in realist theory. Hegel reasoned that
“since states are related to one another as autonomous entities and
so as political wills on which the validity of treaties depends, and
since the particular will of the whole is in content a will for its own
welfare it follows that welfare is the highest aim governing the
relation of one state to another.” Moreover, Hegel held that the
state has an “individual totality” that develops according to its
own laws. The state has objective reality; that is, it exists apart
from its citizens. Hegel held that the state has moral standards
different from and superior to the individual---a theme that is found
in many realist writings. Among the antecedents of realist theory is
the work of Max Weber, whose writings dealt extensively not only with
the nature of politics and the state, but also with power as central to
politics. Although the richness of Weber̢۪s political thought cannot
be encompassed in a short analysis, suffice it to suggest that, with
respect to realist theory, may of the formulations contained in his
work shaped subsequent generations of writing and scholarship. For
Weber as for later realists, the principal characteristic of politics
is the struggle for power. The power element of political life is
especially evident at the international level because “every
political structure naturally prefers to have weak rather than strong
neighbors. Furthermore, as every big political community is a potential
aspirant to prestige, it is also a potential threat to all of its
neighbors; hence, the big political community, simply because it is big
and strong, is latently and constantly endangered.” Among the
dimensions of politics as a struggle for power, moreover, is that of
economics. In Weber̢۪s thought, economic policy stands in a
subordinate relationship to politics inasmuch as the “power political
interests of nations” encompass an economic struggle for existence.
Among the concerns of realists with which Weber before them was
preoccupied is the ethical problem of intention versus consequences, or
what is also termed the absolute ethic of conviction and the ethic of
responsibility. To adhere to an absolute ethic is to take actions in
keeping with that ethic without regard for their consequences. However,
according to Weber, leaders in an imperfect world confront the need to
behave by a political ethic in which the achievement of “good” may
make the necessary the utilization of less than morally acceptable
means. For Weber the ethic of conviction cannot be separated from an
understanding of the consequences of such action, which in turn gives
concrete meaning to an ethic of responsibility. In contemporary realist
thought the meaning of the ethic of responsibility comes forth in the
notion that each political action must be judged on specific merits
rather than in accordance with some abstract, universal standard. {â€Â¦}
- Contending Theories of International Relations. James Dougherty and Robert Pfaltzgraff, Jr.

Posted by: Kathy at 11:45 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 895 words, total size 6 kb.

You know, when you're a

You know, when you're a single girl the last place you ever expect to
meet a real, honest to God, prince is at a bar. But it happened.

Copenhagen - For most girls, meeting a prince and living
happily ever after is the stuff of fairy tales. But for Australian
commoner Mary Donaldson, who will marry Danish Crown Prince Frederik on
Friday, the tale has come true. The youngest of four children whose
parents emigrated from Scotland to Australia, Mary met her prince
charming in Sydney. While he may not have swept her off her feet right
away, he wooed her until she agreed to move to his kingdom where she
will one day become queen. The couple were introduced to each other on
September 16, 2000 at a bar during the Olympic Games in Sydney, where
the prince was enjoying the Aussie nightlife with his younger brother
Joachim and Prince Felipe of Spain. "I didn't know who he was at the
start," Donaldson later said, admitting that her first encounter with
Frederik was "not love at first sight". But she found him to be "warm,
loyal, sincere, funny, curious and full of surprises". A strong
believer in fate, Mary said she "never imagined four years ago" that
she would one day become a member of Europe's oldest monarchy whose
origins can be traced back to the 10th century.

I love stories like this.

Posted by: Kathy at 11:44 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 244 words, total size 1 kb.

You know, when you're a

You know, when you're a single girl the last place you ever expect to
meet a real, honest to God, prince is at a bar. But it happened.

Copenhagen - For most girls, meeting a prince and living
happily ever after is the stuff of fairy tales. But for Australian
commoner Mary Donaldson, who will marry Danish Crown Prince Frederik on
Friday, the tale has come true. The youngest of four children whose
parents emigrated from Scotland to Australia, Mary met her prince
charming in Sydney. While he may not have swept her off her feet right
away, he wooed her until she agreed to move to his kingdom where she
will one day become queen. The couple were introduced to each other on
September 16, 2000 at a bar during the Olympic Games in Sydney, where
the prince was enjoying the Aussie nightlife with his younger brother
Joachim and Prince Felipe of Spain. "I didn't know who he was at the
start," Donaldson later said, admitting that her first encounter with
Frederik was "not love at first sight". But she found him to be "warm,
loyal, sincere, funny, curious and full of surprises". A strong
believer in fate, Mary said she "never imagined four years ago" that
she would one day become a member of Europe's oldest monarchy whose
origins can be traced back to the 10th century.

I love stories like this.

Posted by: Kathy at 11:44 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 244 words, total size 1 kb.

Critiques of Balance of PowerIn

Critiques of Balance of PowerIn recent decades, the
balance of power theory has encountered much criticism even from
traditional analysts, and for reasons other than the semantic vagueness
mentioned earlier. Nicholas J. Spykman held that the theory
inadequately expressed the practice: “The truth of the matter is that
states are interested only in balance (imbalance) which is in their
favor. Not an equilibrium, but a generous margin is their objective.
There is no real security in being just as strong as a potential enemy;
there is security only in being a little stronger. There is no
possibility of action if one̢۪s strength is fully checked; there is a
chance for a positive foreign policy only if there is a margin of force
which can be used freely.”
Hans J. Morgenthau finds the balance of power deficient on several
grounds. It has failed on a number of occasions since the end of the
eighteenth century to preserve the independent existence of states. The
multistate system precluding a single state from achieving universal
domination has been preserved only at a price of frequent and costly
wars. He finds the balance of power 1. uncertain because no completely
reliable means of measuring, evaluating and comparing power exist; 2.
unreal because statesmen try to compensate for its uncertainty by
aiming for superiority; and 3. inadequate for explaining national
restraint during most of the years from 1648 to 1914 because it does
not give credit to the restraining influence of the basic intellectual
unity and moral consensus then prevailing in Europe. Ernst B. Haas has
observed that using the balance of power as a policy guide assumes a
high degree of flexibility in national decision making. The vigilant
political leader must engage in a constant power calculus and be ready
to enter into a countervailing coalition, regardless of ideological
differences, economic interests, and domestic political attitudes. Haas
had questioned the degree to which policymakers, especially in
democratic countries, can enjoy the kind of flexibility that the
balance of power theory would seem to demand. It should be pointed out,
however, that the Anglo-American democracies managed to overcome their
aversion to Soviet communism in WWII against Nazi Germany, and in more
recent decades, the United States has apparently sought to play a
balance of power game vis-à-vis the People’s Republic of China
and the {former} Soviet Union.
Kenneth N. Waltz had defended the balance of power theory against
critics who, in his view, have misunderstood certain crucial points.
Every theory, he argues, must begin with some assumptions. He assumes
that are unitary actors that see, at a minimum, to preserve themselves,
and at a maximum, to dominate others if possible. They strive to
achieve their objectives through internal efforts (e.g. strengthening
their own alliance and weakening that of the adversary). He then adds
the condition that states are operating in a self-help system with no
superior referee. Thos who do not help themselves as well as others do
will become disadvantaged. Assumptions, Waltz points out, are neither
true nor false, but they are essential for the construction of a
theory. In Waltz̢۪s theory of structural realism, the balance of power
is rooted inescapably and necessarily in the international system of
states. Thus he parts company with other theorists of the balance of
power---Hume, Churchill, Organski, Morgenthau, Haas, Kissinger, and
others---who have held that the balance of power policy is something to
be followed voluntarily by wise and prudent political leaders. For
Waltz, the tendency toward equilibrium is automatic, regardless of
whether “some or all states consciously aim to establish and maintain
a balance, or whether some or all states aim for universal
domination.” If the results to be produced (i.e. balance) depend upon
some or all states̢۪ consciously working for it, then international
politics can be explained by theories of national bureaucratic
policymaking, and an international balance of power theory would have
nothing to explain. Waltz wants a theory applicable to the
international system irrespective of the behavior of particular states.
Contending Theories of International Relations James E. Dougherty and Robert L. Pfaltzgraff, Jr

Posted by: Kathy at 11:40 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 689 words, total size 5 kb.

Critiques of Balance of PowerIn

Critiques of Balance of PowerIn recent decades, the
balance of power theory has encountered much criticism even from
traditional analysts, and for reasons other than the semantic vagueness
mentioned earlier. Nicholas J. Spykman held that the theory
inadequately expressed the practice: “The truth of the matter is that
states are interested only in balance (imbalance) which is in their
favor. Not an equilibrium, but a generous margin is their objective.
There is no real security in being just as strong as a potential enemy;
there is security only in being a little stronger. There is no
possibility of action if one̢۪s strength is fully checked; there is a
chance for a positive foreign policy only if there is a margin of force
which can be used freely.”
Hans J. Morgenthau finds the balance of power deficient on several
grounds. It has failed on a number of occasions since the end of the
eighteenth century to preserve the independent existence of states. The
multistate system precluding a single state from achieving universal
domination has been preserved only at a price of frequent and costly
wars. He finds the balance of power 1. uncertain because no completely
reliable means of measuring, evaluating and comparing power exist; 2.
unreal because statesmen try to compensate for its uncertainty by
aiming for superiority; and 3. inadequate for explaining national
restraint during most of the years from 1648 to 1914 because it does
not give credit to the restraining influence of the basic intellectual
unity and moral consensus then prevailing in Europe. Ernst B. Haas has
observed that using the balance of power as a policy guide assumes a
high degree of flexibility in national decision making. The vigilant
political leader must engage in a constant power calculus and be ready
to enter into a countervailing coalition, regardless of ideological
differences, economic interests, and domestic political attitudes. Haas
had questioned the degree to which policymakers, especially in
democratic countries, can enjoy the kind of flexibility that the
balance of power theory would seem to demand. It should be pointed out,
however, that the Anglo-American democracies managed to overcome their
aversion to Soviet communism in WWII against Nazi Germany, and in more
recent decades, the United States has apparently sought to play a
balance of power game vis-à-vis the People’s Republic of China
and the {former} Soviet Union.
Kenneth N. Waltz had defended the balance of power theory against
critics who, in his view, have misunderstood certain crucial points.
Every theory, he argues, must begin with some assumptions. He assumes
that are unitary actors that see, at a minimum, to preserve themselves,
and at a maximum, to dominate others if possible. They strive to
achieve their objectives through internal efforts (e.g. strengthening
their own alliance and weakening that of the adversary). He then adds
the condition that states are operating in a self-help system with no
superior referee. Thos who do not help themselves as well as others do
will become disadvantaged. Assumptions, Waltz points out, are neither
true nor false, but they are essential for the construction of a
theory. In Waltz̢۪s theory of structural realism, the balance of power
is rooted inescapably and necessarily in the international system of
states. Thus he parts company with other theorists of the balance of
power---Hume, Churchill, Organski, Morgenthau, Haas, Kissinger, and
others---who have held that the balance of power policy is something to
be followed voluntarily by wise and prudent political leaders. For
Waltz, the tendency toward equilibrium is automatic, regardless of
whether “some or all states consciously aim to establish and maintain
a balance, or whether some or all states aim for universal
domination.” If the results to be produced (i.e. balance) depend upon
some or all states̢۪ consciously working for it, then international
politics can be explained by theories of national bureaucratic
policymaking, and an international balance of power theory would have
nothing to explain. Waltz wants a theory applicable to the
international system irrespective of the behavior of particular states.
Contending Theories of International Relations James E. Dougherty and Robert L. Pfaltzgraff, Jr

Posted by: Kathy at 11:40 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 689 words, total size 5 kb.

China's apparently not too enthused

China's apparently not too enthused
about the President of Taiwan's pro-independence position. So much so
that they're threatening to put everything they've worked so hard for
aside to threaten the Taiwanese.

May 19 (Bloomberg) -- China stepped up threats of attack
against Taiwan a day before President Chen Shui-bian's inauguration,
saying it would be willing to forfeit strong U.S. ties, economic growth
and the success of the 2008 Beijing Olympics to quash independence
moves by force. ``The mainland is ready to afford a slowdown in its
modernization bid, a reversion in Sino-U.S. ties and the boycott of the
Olympic Games,'' government-owned China Daily quoted Xu Bodong,
director of the Institute of Taiwan Studies at Beijing United
University, as saying. Chen, 53, an advocate of Taiwan independence,
takes the oath of office for a second term at noon tomorrow in Taipei.
China is trying to pressure him to soften his anti-China stance in his
inaugural speech, China Daily said. ``It could be just a matter of them
making it crystal clear how they feel,'' said Michael DeGolyer,
international studies professor at Hong Kong Baptist University. This
week's attacks on Taiwan may be ``rhetorical overshoot,'' he said.

Clancy-speak: Anyone have any idea of how many boats have been deployed
from Diego Garcia lately? I sincerely hope the US had already
anticipated the PRC's itchy nervousness and currently has at least ONE
air craft carrier deployed in the South China Sea. Second bit of Clancy
Speak: Where the #$%% does the PRC get off laying down that type of
threat? And is their unusual bluntness related to our recent troubles
in Iraq? Do they think they could actually get away with such a
maneuver because we've got our hands full?

Posted by: Kathy at 11:39 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 297 words, total size 2 kb.

China's apparently not too enthused

China's apparently not too enthused
about the President of Taiwan's pro-independence position. So much so
that they're threatening to put everything they've worked so hard for
aside to threaten the Taiwanese.

May 19 (Bloomberg) -- China stepped up threats of attack
against Taiwan a day before President Chen Shui-bian's inauguration,
saying it would be willing to forfeit strong U.S. ties, economic growth
and the success of the 2008 Beijing Olympics to quash independence
moves by force. ``The mainland is ready to afford a slowdown in its
modernization bid, a reversion in Sino-U.S. ties and the boycott of the
Olympic Games,'' government-owned China Daily quoted Xu Bodong,
director of the Institute of Taiwan Studies at Beijing United
University, as saying. Chen, 53, an advocate of Taiwan independence,
takes the oath of office for a second term at noon tomorrow in Taipei.
China is trying to pressure him to soften his anti-China stance in his
inaugural speech, China Daily said. ``It could be just a matter of them
making it crystal clear how they feel,'' said Michael DeGolyer,
international studies professor at Hong Kong Baptist University. This
week's attacks on Taiwan may be ``rhetorical overshoot,'' he said.

Clancy-speak: Anyone have any idea of how many boats have been deployed
from Diego Garcia lately? I sincerely hope the US had already
anticipated the PRC's itchy nervousness and currently has at least ONE
air craft carrier deployed in the South China Sea. Second bit of Clancy
Speak: Where the #$%% does the PRC get off laying down that type of
threat? And is their unusual bluntness related to our recent troubles
in Iraq? Do they think they could actually get away with such a
maneuver because we've got our hands full?

Posted by: Kathy at 11:39 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 297 words, total size 2 kb.

Singer David Cassidy insulted the

Singer David Cassidy insulted
the Welsh at a concert in Cardiff, saying: "I don't know how you live
here without slitting your wrists."
The ex-Partridge Family star, who became famous in the 1970s, also
ridiculed the Welsh accent during his half-empty gig, The Sun has
reported.

Finally. The mighty have fallen!
This, of course, is not to say that if his brother Shaun ever made a
comeback that I wouldn't be all over that. Because I would.
I have no shame.

Posted by: Kathy at 11:37 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 91 words, total size 1 kb.

Singer David Cassidy insulted the

Singer David Cassidy insulted
the Welsh at a concert in Cardiff, saying: "I don't know how you live
here without slitting your wrists."
The ex-Partridge Family star, who became famous in the 1970s, also
ridiculed the Welsh accent during his half-empty gig, The Sun has
reported.

Finally. The mighty have fallen!
This, of course, is not to say that if his brother Shaun ever made a
comeback that I wouldn't be all over that. Because I would.
I have no shame.

Posted by: Kathy at 11:37 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 91 words, total size 1 kb.

--- I believe I've mentioned

--- I believe I've mentioned our screwy procedures for putting up
photos here. I take them off the camera, send them to the husband, he
completes any editing that might need to be done, puts them up on his
business server and then sends back a nice image link for me to place
here. A friend in England sent me some treats today, and this was in
the package. It made me laugh in a Beavis-ish way and so I took a
picture and followed the routine. The husband sent back more than a
link. First, the photo:


Second, the husband's words:

"Most wives threaten to open a can of whoop ass....mine brings out
the spotted dick. A much more insidious threat, if you ask me."

Third, a semi-related thought for the evening before logging off and going to bed:

Do you think Theresa Heinz Kerry pulls out one of these every time John gets the wandering eye, and shouts "REMEMBER WHERE THE MONEY COMES FROM, JAG-OFF!"

Just wondering.

It's promise and threat, all rolled into one tasty concoction.

Posted by: Kathy at 11:26 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 189 words, total size 1 kb.

--- I believe I've mentioned

--- I believe I've mentioned our screwy procedures for putting up
photos here. I take them off the camera, send them to the husband, he
completes any editing that might need to be done, puts them up on his
business server and then sends back a nice image link for me to place
here. A friend in England sent me some treats today, and this was in
the package. It made me laugh in a Beavis-ish way and so I took a
picture and followed the routine. The husband sent back more than a
link. First, the photo:


Second, the husband's words:

"Most wives threaten to open a can of whoop ass....mine brings out
the spotted dick. A much more insidious threat, if you ask me."

Third, a semi-related thought for the evening before logging off and going to bed:

Do you think Theresa Heinz Kerry pulls out one of these every time John gets the wandering eye, and shouts "REMEMBER WHERE THE MONEY COMES FROM, JAG-OFF!"

Just wondering.

It's promise and threat, all rolled into one tasty concoction.

Posted by: Kathy at 11:26 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 189 words, total size 1 kb.

No, it's not Al-Qaeda who's

No, it's not Al-Qaeda who's going to scare you into converting. (At
least not yet)
It's the Pentecostals.

NEW YORK (Reuters) - Two preachers grounded a flight
leaving Buffalo, New York, after they frightened passengers by
declaring the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks were a good reason to pray,
officials said on Thursday. One preacher told fellow passengers as the
Continental Airlines plane taxied down the runway, "Your last breath on
earth is the first one in heaven as long as you are born again and have
Jesus in your heart," according to FBI (news - web sites) spokesman
Paul Moskal. Passengers on the Wednesday flight to Newark, New Jersey
told a flight attendant, who alerted the plane's captain, officials
said. The captain turned the plane around. "They were sincere in their
beliefs and were not malicious," Moskal said by telephone from Buffalo.
"In the context of 9/11 it may not have been the best way to promote
their religion."

Gives new meaning to the phrase, "repent now or suffer the fires of damnation," doesn't it?

Posted by: Kathy at 11:18 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 185 words, total size 1 kb.

No, it's not Al-Qaeda who's

No, it's not Al-Qaeda who's going to scare you into converting. (At
least not yet)
It's the Pentecostals.

NEW YORK (Reuters) - Two preachers grounded a flight
leaving Buffalo, New York, after they frightened passengers by
declaring the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks were a good reason to pray,
officials said on Thursday. One preacher told fellow passengers as the
Continental Airlines plane taxied down the runway, "Your last breath on
earth is the first one in heaven as long as you are born again and have
Jesus in your heart," according to FBI (news - web sites) spokesman
Paul Moskal. Passengers on the Wednesday flight to Newark, New Jersey
told a flight attendant, who alerted the plane's captain, officials
said. The captain turned the plane around. "They were sincere in their
beliefs and were not malicious," Moskal said by telephone from Buffalo.
"In the context of 9/11 it may not have been the best way to promote
their religion."

Gives new meaning to the phrase, "repent now or suffer the fires of damnation," doesn't it?

Posted by: Kathy at 11:18 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 185 words, total size 1 kb.

Balance of Power: Purposes and

Balance of Power: Purposes and Functions
Various purposes and functions were attributed to the balance of power
in classical theory as expounded by Bolingbroke, Gentz, Metternich, and
Castlereagh. It was supposed to 1. prevent the establishment of a
universal hegemony, 2. preserve the constituent elements of the system
and the system itself, 3. ensure stability and mutual security in the
international system and 4. strengthen and prolong the peace by
deterring war, that is by confronting an aggressor with the likelihood
that a policy of expansion would meet with the formation of a
countercoalition. The traditional methods and techniques of maintaining
or restoring the balance were a. the policy of divide and rule (working
to diminish the weight of the heavier side), 2. territorial
compensations after a war, 3. creating of buffer states, 4. the
formation of alliances, 5. spheres of influence, 6. intervention, 7.
diplomatic bargaining, 8. legal and peaceful settlement of disputes, 9.
reduction of armaments, 10. armaments competition or races, and 11. war
itself. A review of the list of objectives and methods will show that
there were internal inconsistencies in the theory and in the practices.
These were probably unavoidable, given the historic oscillation between
stable and unstable equilibria within the nation-state system. If the
balance of power had worked perfectly as all statesmen expected, and if
the existing distribution of power had posed no threat to their
national security, then the balance of power as situation, law, policy
and system would almost certainly have contributed to the prolongation
of peace. But the dynamics of the international political system were
conducive neither to serene stability nor to prudent rational
decision-making at all times. Moreover, statesmen pursuing only what
they considered their own legitimate national interest---a term closely
associated with the balance of power system---may have appeared in the
eyes of other statesmen as conspiring to overturn the international
system and gain predominance. Conversely, a government embarked upon a
hegemonial path might not provoke the formation of a countercoalition
until it was too late to prevent the large scale war declared to
restore the balance. In theory, the balance of power policy helped
preserve the peace and identity of member-states, but in practice
balance of power policy sometimes led to war and to the partitioning of
“less essential” actors (such as Poland in the 1790’s). But
keeping the peace and preserving all the lesser members intact were
subordinate to the more fundamental aims of preserving the multi-state
system by observing the maxim expressed by Freidrich Gentz: “That if
the states system of Europe is to exist and be maintained by common
exertions no one of its members must ever become so powerful as to be
able to coerce all the rest put together.”
Another key concept in the classical theory must be mentioned. Under
normal circumstances, with several nations seeking to maximize their
power position through the various methods and techniques of balance of
power politics, no one nation gains hegemony, and a precarious
equilibrium is maintained. But for various reasons, the balance might
be on the verge of breaking down. At this point an impartial and
vigilant “holder of the balance” emerges, which is strong enough to
restore the balance swiftly once it is disturbed. Historically, England
played this role in the European state system. In a famous memorandum
published on January 1, 1907, Sir Eyre Crowe wrote that it had
“become almost a historical truism to identify England’s secular
policy with the maintenance of this balance by throwing her weight now
in this scale and now in that, but ever on the side opposed to the
political dictatorship of the strongest single state or group at a
given time. Winston Churchill reiterated this as a fundamental tenet of
British foreign policy in 1936. Perhaps the theory of the balance of
power, as a policy guide to statesmen, is a distinctively British
theory, at least in modern times. Contending Theories of International Relations James E. Dougherty and Robert L. Pfaltzgraff, Jr

Posted by: Kathy at 11:16 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 675 words, total size 4 kb.

Balance of Power: Purposes and

Balance of Power: Purposes and Functions
Various purposes and functions were attributed to the balance of power
in classical theory as expounded by Bolingbroke, Gentz, Metternich, and
Castlereagh. It was supposed to 1. prevent the establishment of a
universal hegemony, 2. preserve the constituent elements of the system
and the system itself, 3. ensure stability and mutual security in the
international system and 4. strengthen and prolong the peace by
deterring war, that is by confronting an aggressor with the likelihood
that a policy of expansion would meet with the formation of a
countercoalition. The traditional methods and techniques of maintaining
or restoring the balance were a. the policy of divide and rule (working
to diminish the weight of the heavier side), 2. territorial
compensations after a war, 3. creating of buffer states, 4. the
formation of alliances, 5. spheres of influence, 6. intervention, 7.
diplomatic bargaining, 8. legal and peaceful settlement of disputes, 9.
reduction of armaments, 10. armaments competition or races, and 11. war
itself. A review of the list of objectives and methods will show that
there were internal inconsistencies in the theory and in the practices.
These were probably unavoidable, given the historic oscillation between
stable and unstable equilibria within the nation-state system. If the
balance of power had worked perfectly as all statesmen expected, and if
the existing distribution of power had posed no threat to their
national security, then the balance of power as situation, law, policy
and system would almost certainly have contributed to the prolongation
of peace. But the dynamics of the international political system were
conducive neither to serene stability nor to prudent rational
decision-making at all times. Moreover, statesmen pursuing only what
they considered their own legitimate national interest---a term closely
associated with the balance of power system---may have appeared in the
eyes of other statesmen as conspiring to overturn the international
system and gain predominance. Conversely, a government embarked upon a
hegemonial path might not provoke the formation of a countercoalition
until it was too late to prevent the large scale war declared to
restore the balance. In theory, the balance of power policy helped
preserve the peace and identity of member-states, but in practice
balance of power policy sometimes led to war and to the partitioning of
“less essential” actors (such as Poland in the 1790’s). But
keeping the peace and preserving all the lesser members intact were
subordinate to the more fundamental aims of preserving the multi-state
system by observing the maxim expressed by Freidrich Gentz: “That if
the states system of Europe is to exist and be maintained by common
exertions no one of its members must ever become so powerful as to be
able to coerce all the rest put together.”
Another key concept in the classical theory must be mentioned. Under
normal circumstances, with several nations seeking to maximize their
power position through the various methods and techniques of balance of
power politics, no one nation gains hegemony, and a precarious
equilibrium is maintained. But for various reasons, the balance might
be on the verge of breaking down. At this point an impartial and
vigilant “holder of the balance” emerges, which is strong enough to
restore the balance swiftly once it is disturbed. Historically, England
played this role in the European state system. In a famous memorandum
published on January 1, 1907, Sir Eyre Crowe wrote that it had
“become almost a historical truism to identify England’s secular
policy with the maintenance of this balance by throwing her weight now
in this scale and now in that, but ever on the side opposed to the
political dictatorship of the strongest single state or group at a
given time. Winston Churchill reiterated this as a fundamental tenet of
British foreign policy in 1936. Perhaps the theory of the balance of
power, as a policy guide to statesmen, is a distinctively British
theory, at least in modern times. Contending Theories of International Relations James E. Dougherty and Robert L. Pfaltzgraff, Jr

Posted by: Kathy at 11:16 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 675 words, total size 4 kb.

...I'm a bad, bad girl.

...I'm a bad, bad girl. No, that's not the tidbit that rumor has. Shit.
That's common knowledge. I'm a bad girl because I like going to Gawker and Defamer
and peeking around. I particularly love the Gawker Stalker---it's like
working at the mall and selling Chaka Khan a cup of coffee all over again!

These venerable gossip blogs who read the Post's Page Six for me so I don't have to feel dirty, have reported often that Owen Wilson has a blog. Go here and
check out the alleged scene of the crime. Thing is, we don't know that
this is Owen's blog, because "Rance" is a psuedonym. Now, I can
understand why a Hollywood big shot of Owen's stature would want to
keep a low profile---if he's "Rance." You couldn't dish the dirt if
people knew it was you, could you? And it's not like he's ever going to
come clean because no one would believe him if he did. Now, Gawker and
Defamer say that this is his blog. They've made their decision. However
sure they are of themselves, I'm not. I can see him writing it, though.
Owen's always struck me as a clever guy, and if he's killing hours in
his trailer by writing a blog, well, more power to him. Go and check it
out if you get the chance. He seems to be absorbed by puzzles.
Although, Owen---if it is you---one bit of advice: get the hell off of
tripod. There are better blogging services out there. You can probably
even afford Moveable Type now. Hell, even Blogger's gotta be better
than Tripod.

Posted by: Kathy at 11:07 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 279 words, total size 2 kb.

...I'm a bad, bad girl.

...I'm a bad, bad girl. No, that's not the tidbit that rumor has. Shit.
That's common knowledge. I'm a bad girl because I like going to Gawker and Defamer
and peeking around. I particularly love the Gawker Stalker---it's like
working at the mall and selling Chaka Khan a cup of coffee all over again!

These venerable gossip blogs who read the Post's Page Six for me so I don't have to feel dirty, have reported often that Owen Wilson has a blog. Go here and
check out the alleged scene of the crime. Thing is, we don't know that
this is Owen's blog, because "Rance" is a psuedonym. Now, I can
understand why a Hollywood big shot of Owen's stature would want to
keep a low profile---if he's "Rance." You couldn't dish the dirt if
people knew it was you, could you? And it's not like he's ever going to
come clean because no one would believe him if he did. Now, Gawker and
Defamer say that this is his blog. They've made their decision. However
sure they are of themselves, I'm not. I can see him writing it, though.
Owen's always struck me as a clever guy, and if he's killing hours in
his trailer by writing a blog, well, more power to him. Go and check it
out if you get the chance. He seems to be absorbed by puzzles.
Although, Owen---if it is you---one bit of advice: get the hell off of
tripod. There are better blogging services out there. You can probably
even afford Moveable Type now. Hell, even Blogger's gotta be better
than Tripod.

Posted by: Kathy at 11:07 PM | No Comments | Add Comment
Post contains 279 words, total size 2 kb.